KING Felipe VI's annual Christmas Eve speech once again included a covert appeal to secessionist politicians, as well as raising concerns about young adults' struggle to afford housing and violence against women.
Your complete guide to today's elections: Who's voting for whom, and why
10/11/2019
BY TONIGHT, we will once again know which political party has won the most seats in the fourth general election in as many years – but we probably won't know who will be in government for the next four. The upsurge in independent parties – with four major contenders now on the scene who were either unheard of or did not exist in the 2011 elections, the last to end with a definitive result – general elections in Spain are no longer a straight contest between the 'Big Two', the left-wing socialists, or PSOE, and the right-wing Popular Party, or PP.
This is exactly what has led to hung Parliaments since the November 2015 election, which ended inconclusively and sparked a repeat in spring 2016.
After this, and to avoid taking Spain to the polls for a third time, PP leader Mariano Rajoy was reluctantly given licence to reign again by the opposition subject to numerous caveats; when these conditions came undone, a no-confidence vote by PSOE leader Pedro Sánchez in June 2018 put him into power, but with the smallest minority a national government has ever seen.
Such a small minority, in fact – just over a quarter of the available 350 seats in Parliament – that Sánchez was unable to gain enough support from the opposition for his budget, forcing him to call a general election in April this year to give him a mandate to rule effectively.
Sánchez's presence in Parliament dramatically increased, to 123 seats, but the inability of the left-wing parties to reach an agreement meant he did not have enough support from the opposition to get him back into power, resulting in a repeat election, taking place today (Sunday, November 10).
A high number of Spaniards interviewed believe this will not be the end of the story, and expect a third election to be called – and for this to be the scenario for the rest of their lives.
Only Spanish nationals are allowed to vote in a general or regional election – as is the case in practically every country on earth - meaning expats who have not taken citizenship can only sit back and watch what happens.
Demographic research by political and social scientists has led to profiles being created of who is likely to vote for whom, so you might even be able to guess which ballot paper your neighbours pick up from the pile based upon where you live, their age, education and gender.
PSOE
Led by Pedro Sánchez, their name translates as 'socialist labour party of Spain', and historically, the PSOE-PP split was assumed to be along the same lines as the one-time Labour-Conservative divide in the UK; or rather, the former would get the working class vote and the latter, the élite, the wealthy, the middle and upper-middle classes, or those who did not want to believe they didn't fall into one of the latter two categories.
But like today's Labour and Conservative voters, the profile has changed for the PSOE and PP electorate, too, and neither are a clear indication of social class – although both sets of voters in both countries necessarily include a high proportion of people who have always cast their ballot for one or the other and always will, and whose parents and grandparents have also always done so.
In the case of the PSOE, experts say the typical voter will be someone who has always opted for the party, and is typically female, aged 45 or over, and with no clear pattern as to area of residence. They live in large cities and also in the remote, rural parts of Spain where the average village has fewer than 2,000 inhabitants.
This geographical scattering means the PSOE has more chance of gaining seats in provincial governments, or Diputaciones, throughout Spain, making life more difficult for the other left-wing parties, Unidos Podemos and Más País!.
As for its policies, the PSOE under José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero during his reign from 2004 to 2011 brought great social change and modernisation, although largely affecting the bigger picture instead of the grass roots – probably the most popular moves were to make Spain only the third country in the world to legalise same-sex marriage and adoption, and to allow women to have abortions based on gestation time criteria rather than only in set scenarios. Perhaps unfairly, the PSOE was blamed for Spain's financial crisis or, at least, for being slow to respond, losing Zapatero the 2011 elections to a PP landslide.
Sánchez's outlook is even further to the left, and his party is seen as a solid bet for those who want to see social change happen, but Sánchez's main downfall is that he is seen to be trying to tread an impossible middle ground and 'please everyone'. Left-leaning voters who now opt for newer parties say the PSOE's greatest drawback is that it seems slow to turn words into actions, although in practice, Sánchez has not had a stable government to enable him to make this step.
PP
Now led by Pablo Casado after former president Mariano Rajoy went back to his old job as a property registrar, the party is more right-leaning than it was two years or so back. An evolution of the staunchly-Catholic Alianza Popular ('Popular Alliance'), the PP fashions itself as the 'moderate right' and its policies have historically focused on the national economy, economic growth and businesses, although its dissenters say these efforts do not filter down to the ordinary household. Credited with 'repairing' the economy after the financial crisis, the PP has also been blamed for making life harder for the workforce, and its attempts to reduce healthcare coverage for those not 'paying into the system' were met with huge opposition.
Some of its policies were left-leaning enough to keep it in power from 2011 to 2018 – Rajoy pledged to help out as much as possible with the European migrant crisis, and his second-in-command María Dolores de Cospedal expressed her heartfelt empathy with those fleeing poverty as well as real danger, but left-wing regional governments became frustrated with the slowness of the resettlement process.
Only 1,000 or so migrants were taken in, but Spain under the PP was still one of the most open to refugee resettlement in the EU, and Rajoy – like Sánchez – attempted to reassure British expats over the Brexit referendum result, which neither party leader agreed with.
Other popular PP policies included the 'scrap-for-cash' scheme for new cars, the Plan PIVE – but this was somewhat ruined when motorists found out too late they were liable for income tax on said cash.
Overall, they are seen as 'conservative', but not 'far-right', and despite its earliest founders having close ties with General Franco, are thought of as solid, reliable and a maintainer of the status quo.
Like the PSOE, the PP made an effort to create a cabinet with as near gender parity as possible, which females appreciated, according to experts – partly for this reason, the typical PP voter is more likely to be a woman.
They are older than the average PSOE voter, at 58 on average, and have a lower education level than those who vote for left-wing parties or for other right-wing outfits like Ciudadanos and Vox.
Unlike the typical member of the PSOE electorate, those most likely to vote PP tend to be living in rural areas, especially the least-inhabited parts of Spain, and are more likely to be in the north of the country, whilst PSOE voters are more likely to live in the south.
Social scientists point out that even though the modern woman is far more interested in politics than a generation or so ago, females are still, statistically, less passionate about the political situation in their country and show more of a tendency to stick to 'the devil they know', whereas men, according to research, are the most likely to switch sides or gamble on the unknown if they think their policies are more attractive.
It is for this reason, say the experts, that the typical voter of either of the 'Big Two' is female.
Ciudadanos
Although a member of the Alliance of Liberal Democrats in Europe (ALDE) in European Parliament, Ciudadanos – led by Albert Rivera – is more right-leaning than traditionally liberal, but its policies relating to the economy, taxation and the workforce are often considered attractive, seen as more 'stable' than the left which, historically and in almost every western nation, have often been left with the stereotype of 'big spenders'; at the same time, Ciudadanos is seen as more moderate than the PP and more socially-oriented, meaning the party has been capturing votes from traditional supporters of both the PSOE and the PP who seek a 'middle ground' or believe the two longest-running teams have become complacent.
Ciudadanos' greatest barrier to gaining the vote is that the electorate still tends to see it as a 'support act', ideologically suitable for joining in coalition with either the PP or the PSOE, and the more pessimistic among voters consider that whichever of these two they least support will gain substantially from ballots in favour of Ciudadanos.
Rivera's sharp dive to the right and his support of the PP's Pablo Casado has, however, caused a great deal of Ciudadanos votes to return to base, with the more left-leaning backers giving the PSOE another chance and previous PP supporters considering they may as well opt for Casado if his policies are similar, given that the larger the party, the fewer ballots are needed per seat.
The average Ciudadanos voter is a university graduate, in full-time work, and living in a big city.
Women and men are equally represented, and the age-group tends to be that of Spain's 'baby-boomers' – note that these are much younger than the UK's 'baby-boom' generation, who were typically born in the 10 years following World War II; in Spain, a sudden soaring in birth rate happened in the early to mid-1970s, so 'baby-boomers' here would be aged between around 44 and 49.
Confusingly, they tend to overlap with the so-called 'Generation X', aged from approximately 40 to 60.
Vox
It is this 'Generation X' which is more likely to vote for the far-right Vox, led by Santiago Abascal, which was only barely in the background over the last few elections but experienced a surge last December when it won 12 out of 110 seats in Andalucía's regional Parliament, then 24 seats in the April general elections. Anti-immigration and against taking in refugees, Vox's CV features incidents such as a protest outside a shelter in Sevilla for unaccompanied migrant teenagers amid unfounded claims by its leaders that they were behind attacks on women, and also tweets blaming Moroccans for a gang-rape which turned out to have been perpetrated by Spaniards. Vox requested details of volunteers from LGB charities and associations representing the transsexual community who give talks in schools, a move the party disagrees with, but was denied this information on data protection grounds. It also refuses to accept the existence of 'gender violence', preferring to call it 'domestic violence', even though the concepts are different – 'domestic' violence can involve perpetrators and victims of either sex and also parents and children or siblings, whilst 'gender' comes into the equation because of the physical imbalance in strength where a man is the perpetrator and a woman is the victim, and there need be no relationship of any type between the assailant and the person attacked.
Experts believe it is for this reason, and the rise in feminism and the #MeToo movement, that has led to most Vox voters being male – in fact, nearly seven in 10 of the party's supporters are men, and typically aged around 47.
Social scientists say Vox's 'ultra-conservative' and 'somewhat sexist' policies are attracting males rather than females.
According to statistics, Vox voters are more likely to live in the southern region of Andalucía and the eastern region of the Comunidad Valenciana, although they are still very much a minority nationwide – and both these regions are open-minded and highly diverse and cosmopolitan in nature.
Unidos Podemos
A coalition of the long-running – but relatively unsuccessful to date – United Left, headed by Alberto Garzón, and the left-wing party started by former university lecturer Pablo Iglesias who, at age 35, came from nothing in early 2014 to win five MEP seats, Unidos Podemos is highly pro-social, champions public healthcare and State education, prides itself on being feminist and protecting the 'underdog', with a 'Robin Hood' approach to taxation and policies that focus on eliminating poverty. But its dissenters believe Unidos Podemos' policies are often unrealistic and impossible to carry out in practice.
Currently the fourth-largest political force in Spain after the PSOE, PP and Ciudadanos – in that order – Unidos Podemos can normally count on ballots from the younger members of the electorate, as its supporters are typically 'Generation Y' and Millennials, aged under 35 and include a high number of first-time voters.
Men and women are represented in equal proportion, and they tend to be highly ideological with a strong sense of social justice, young in outlook, and metropolitan, typically at least university graduates or with post-graduate qualifications – or the intention of studying these, where they are not yet old enough.
Unidos Podemos voters are, according to social scientists, 'very cultured', having often spent time in other countries – particularly off the tourist trail – and having mixed with a variety of social classes, with a heightened awareness of diversity and minorities, an interest in the arts, and passionate about the environment.
Today, Unidos Podemos' main stumbling block will be competing against its breakaway group, Más País!, and although both parties have similar profiles, it is not yet clear whether they would be able to work together if they were sought en bloc to join a larger group in coalition.
Más País!
Its name translates as 'More Country', and its leader is former key Podemos figurehead Íñigo Errejón, who left the original party due to personal and political differences; however, Pablo Iglesias has said in the past that Errejón was a 'genius', high-IQ and dynamic, and that they get along better now they are no longer working together – in fact, comparing their relationship to a rocky marriage where the couple is able to be close friends after a separation.
Más País!, running for general elections for the first time – it was not in place in time for the regional or local elections in May – is considered to be a more 'down-to-earth' version of Unidos Podemos, with the same passion for social justice, equality and redistribution of wealth, but with more of a focus on every social stratum and with more workable ideas. Among its proposals is to cut the working week to 32 hours, either via shorter days or a shorter week, and increase the minimum wage to a net €1,200 a month – a manifesto that is nearly identical, in this sense, to that of Unidos Podemos.
But Errejón's main challenge is that, apart from being a new entity which has yet to prove its worth at the sharp end of politics, it appears to be more concerned about world issues than those nearer to home and its profile seems to be closer to that of the Greens in European Parliament. Supporters have accused Más País! of sending out 'confusing messages' to its voting public.
The proof will be in the pudding, however, if enough voters trust this new party with their precious ballots – how they operate in practice will become clear once a government is eventually formed.
Más País! voters are described as similar in nature to those who would back Unidos Podemos – typically young in age and outlook, metropolitan, highly-qualified, and cosmopolitan - but somewhat more moderate and less ideological.
Of course, the demographic profiles compiled are founded on the most-repeated characteristics of a given voter, and are not set in stone. Plenty of first-timers and young climate change activists in the north will be casting their ballots for the PSOE and the PP in the south; plenty of 'Gen X' men are totally against Vox's ideologies; lots of rural dwellers will vote for Ciudadanos and many women aged 58 will give Más País! a crack. But the 'average voter' information research presents gives an idea as to what each party stands for and whom its views appeal to, allowing the 'armchair voter' – the expat without a ballot – to work out whom to cheer on today.
Related Topics
BY TONIGHT, we will once again know which political party has won the most seats in the fourth general election in as many years – but we probably won't know who will be in government for the next four. The upsurge in independent parties – with four major contenders now on the scene who were either unheard of or did not exist in the 2011 elections, the last to end with a definitive result – general elections in Spain are no longer a straight contest between the 'Big Two', the left-wing socialists, or PSOE, and the right-wing Popular Party, or PP.
This is exactly what has led to hung Parliaments since the November 2015 election, which ended inconclusively and sparked a repeat in spring 2016.
After this, and to avoid taking Spain to the polls for a third time, PP leader Mariano Rajoy was reluctantly given licence to reign again by the opposition subject to numerous caveats; when these conditions came undone, a no-confidence vote by PSOE leader Pedro Sánchez in June 2018 put him into power, but with the smallest minority a national government has ever seen.
Such a small minority, in fact – just over a quarter of the available 350 seats in Parliament – that Sánchez was unable to gain enough support from the opposition for his budget, forcing him to call a general election in April this year to give him a mandate to rule effectively.
Sánchez's presence in Parliament dramatically increased, to 123 seats, but the inability of the left-wing parties to reach an agreement meant he did not have enough support from the opposition to get him back into power, resulting in a repeat election, taking place today (Sunday, November 10).
A high number of Spaniards interviewed believe this will not be the end of the story, and expect a third election to be called – and for this to be the scenario for the rest of their lives.
Only Spanish nationals are allowed to vote in a general or regional election – as is the case in practically every country on earth - meaning expats who have not taken citizenship can only sit back and watch what happens.
Demographic research by political and social scientists has led to profiles being created of who is likely to vote for whom, so you might even be able to guess which ballot paper your neighbours pick up from the pile based upon where you live, their age, education and gender.
PSOE
Led by Pedro Sánchez, their name translates as 'socialist labour party of Spain', and historically, the PSOE-PP split was assumed to be along the same lines as the one-time Labour-Conservative divide in the UK; or rather, the former would get the working class vote and the latter, the élite, the wealthy, the middle and upper-middle classes, or those who did not want to believe they didn't fall into one of the latter two categories.
But like today's Labour and Conservative voters, the profile has changed for the PSOE and PP electorate, too, and neither are a clear indication of social class – although both sets of voters in both countries necessarily include a high proportion of people who have always cast their ballot for one or the other and always will, and whose parents and grandparents have also always done so.
In the case of the PSOE, experts say the typical voter will be someone who has always opted for the party, and is typically female, aged 45 or over, and with no clear pattern as to area of residence. They live in large cities and also in the remote, rural parts of Spain where the average village has fewer than 2,000 inhabitants.
This geographical scattering means the PSOE has more chance of gaining seats in provincial governments, or Diputaciones, throughout Spain, making life more difficult for the other left-wing parties, Unidos Podemos and Más País!.
As for its policies, the PSOE under José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero during his reign from 2004 to 2011 brought great social change and modernisation, although largely affecting the bigger picture instead of the grass roots – probably the most popular moves were to make Spain only the third country in the world to legalise same-sex marriage and adoption, and to allow women to have abortions based on gestation time criteria rather than only in set scenarios. Perhaps unfairly, the PSOE was blamed for Spain's financial crisis or, at least, for being slow to respond, losing Zapatero the 2011 elections to a PP landslide.
Sánchez's outlook is even further to the left, and his party is seen as a solid bet for those who want to see social change happen, but Sánchez's main downfall is that he is seen to be trying to tread an impossible middle ground and 'please everyone'. Left-leaning voters who now opt for newer parties say the PSOE's greatest drawback is that it seems slow to turn words into actions, although in practice, Sánchez has not had a stable government to enable him to make this step.
PP
Now led by Pablo Casado after former president Mariano Rajoy went back to his old job as a property registrar, the party is more right-leaning than it was two years or so back. An evolution of the staunchly-Catholic Alianza Popular ('Popular Alliance'), the PP fashions itself as the 'moderate right' and its policies have historically focused on the national economy, economic growth and businesses, although its dissenters say these efforts do not filter down to the ordinary household. Credited with 'repairing' the economy after the financial crisis, the PP has also been blamed for making life harder for the workforce, and its attempts to reduce healthcare coverage for those not 'paying into the system' were met with huge opposition.
Some of its policies were left-leaning enough to keep it in power from 2011 to 2018 – Rajoy pledged to help out as much as possible with the European migrant crisis, and his second-in-command María Dolores de Cospedal expressed her heartfelt empathy with those fleeing poverty as well as real danger, but left-wing regional governments became frustrated with the slowness of the resettlement process.
Only 1,000 or so migrants were taken in, but Spain under the PP was still one of the most open to refugee resettlement in the EU, and Rajoy – like Sánchez – attempted to reassure British expats over the Brexit referendum result, which neither party leader agreed with.
Other popular PP policies included the 'scrap-for-cash' scheme for new cars, the Plan PIVE – but this was somewhat ruined when motorists found out too late they were liable for income tax on said cash.
Overall, they are seen as 'conservative', but not 'far-right', and despite its earliest founders having close ties with General Franco, are thought of as solid, reliable and a maintainer of the status quo.
Like the PSOE, the PP made an effort to create a cabinet with as near gender parity as possible, which females appreciated, according to experts – partly for this reason, the typical PP voter is more likely to be a woman.
They are older than the average PSOE voter, at 58 on average, and have a lower education level than those who vote for left-wing parties or for other right-wing outfits like Ciudadanos and Vox.
Unlike the typical member of the PSOE electorate, those most likely to vote PP tend to be living in rural areas, especially the least-inhabited parts of Spain, and are more likely to be in the north of the country, whilst PSOE voters are more likely to live in the south.
Social scientists point out that even though the modern woman is far more interested in politics than a generation or so ago, females are still, statistically, less passionate about the political situation in their country and show more of a tendency to stick to 'the devil they know', whereas men, according to research, are the most likely to switch sides or gamble on the unknown if they think their policies are more attractive.
It is for this reason, say the experts, that the typical voter of either of the 'Big Two' is female.
Ciudadanos
Although a member of the Alliance of Liberal Democrats in Europe (ALDE) in European Parliament, Ciudadanos – led by Albert Rivera – is more right-leaning than traditionally liberal, but its policies relating to the economy, taxation and the workforce are often considered attractive, seen as more 'stable' than the left which, historically and in almost every western nation, have often been left with the stereotype of 'big spenders'; at the same time, Ciudadanos is seen as more moderate than the PP and more socially-oriented, meaning the party has been capturing votes from traditional supporters of both the PSOE and the PP who seek a 'middle ground' or believe the two longest-running teams have become complacent.
Ciudadanos' greatest barrier to gaining the vote is that the electorate still tends to see it as a 'support act', ideologically suitable for joining in coalition with either the PP or the PSOE, and the more pessimistic among voters consider that whichever of these two they least support will gain substantially from ballots in favour of Ciudadanos.
Rivera's sharp dive to the right and his support of the PP's Pablo Casado has, however, caused a great deal of Ciudadanos votes to return to base, with the more left-leaning backers giving the PSOE another chance and previous PP supporters considering they may as well opt for Casado if his policies are similar, given that the larger the party, the fewer ballots are needed per seat.
The average Ciudadanos voter is a university graduate, in full-time work, and living in a big city.
Women and men are equally represented, and the age-group tends to be that of Spain's 'baby-boomers' – note that these are much younger than the UK's 'baby-boom' generation, who were typically born in the 10 years following World War II; in Spain, a sudden soaring in birth rate happened in the early to mid-1970s, so 'baby-boomers' here would be aged between around 44 and 49.
Confusingly, they tend to overlap with the so-called 'Generation X', aged from approximately 40 to 60.
Vox
It is this 'Generation X' which is more likely to vote for the far-right Vox, led by Santiago Abascal, which was only barely in the background over the last few elections but experienced a surge last December when it won 12 out of 110 seats in Andalucía's regional Parliament, then 24 seats in the April general elections. Anti-immigration and against taking in refugees, Vox's CV features incidents such as a protest outside a shelter in Sevilla for unaccompanied migrant teenagers amid unfounded claims by its leaders that they were behind attacks on women, and also tweets blaming Moroccans for a gang-rape which turned out to have been perpetrated by Spaniards. Vox requested details of volunteers from LGB charities and associations representing the transsexual community who give talks in schools, a move the party disagrees with, but was denied this information on data protection grounds. It also refuses to accept the existence of 'gender violence', preferring to call it 'domestic violence', even though the concepts are different – 'domestic' violence can involve perpetrators and victims of either sex and also parents and children or siblings, whilst 'gender' comes into the equation because of the physical imbalance in strength where a man is the perpetrator and a woman is the victim, and there need be no relationship of any type between the assailant and the person attacked.
Experts believe it is for this reason, and the rise in feminism and the #MeToo movement, that has led to most Vox voters being male – in fact, nearly seven in 10 of the party's supporters are men, and typically aged around 47.
Social scientists say Vox's 'ultra-conservative' and 'somewhat sexist' policies are attracting males rather than females.
According to statistics, Vox voters are more likely to live in the southern region of Andalucía and the eastern region of the Comunidad Valenciana, although they are still very much a minority nationwide – and both these regions are open-minded and highly diverse and cosmopolitan in nature.
Unidos Podemos
A coalition of the long-running – but relatively unsuccessful to date – United Left, headed by Alberto Garzón, and the left-wing party started by former university lecturer Pablo Iglesias who, at age 35, came from nothing in early 2014 to win five MEP seats, Unidos Podemos is highly pro-social, champions public healthcare and State education, prides itself on being feminist and protecting the 'underdog', with a 'Robin Hood' approach to taxation and policies that focus on eliminating poverty. But its dissenters believe Unidos Podemos' policies are often unrealistic and impossible to carry out in practice.
Currently the fourth-largest political force in Spain after the PSOE, PP and Ciudadanos – in that order – Unidos Podemos can normally count on ballots from the younger members of the electorate, as its supporters are typically 'Generation Y' and Millennials, aged under 35 and include a high number of first-time voters.
Men and women are represented in equal proportion, and they tend to be highly ideological with a strong sense of social justice, young in outlook, and metropolitan, typically at least university graduates or with post-graduate qualifications – or the intention of studying these, where they are not yet old enough.
Unidos Podemos voters are, according to social scientists, 'very cultured', having often spent time in other countries – particularly off the tourist trail – and having mixed with a variety of social classes, with a heightened awareness of diversity and minorities, an interest in the arts, and passionate about the environment.
Today, Unidos Podemos' main stumbling block will be competing against its breakaway group, Más País!, and although both parties have similar profiles, it is not yet clear whether they would be able to work together if they were sought en bloc to join a larger group in coalition.
Más País!
Its name translates as 'More Country', and its leader is former key Podemos figurehead Íñigo Errejón, who left the original party due to personal and political differences; however, Pablo Iglesias has said in the past that Errejón was a 'genius', high-IQ and dynamic, and that they get along better now they are no longer working together – in fact, comparing their relationship to a rocky marriage where the couple is able to be close friends after a separation.
Más País!, running for general elections for the first time – it was not in place in time for the regional or local elections in May – is considered to be a more 'down-to-earth' version of Unidos Podemos, with the same passion for social justice, equality and redistribution of wealth, but with more of a focus on every social stratum and with more workable ideas. Among its proposals is to cut the working week to 32 hours, either via shorter days or a shorter week, and increase the minimum wage to a net €1,200 a month – a manifesto that is nearly identical, in this sense, to that of Unidos Podemos.
But Errejón's main challenge is that, apart from being a new entity which has yet to prove its worth at the sharp end of politics, it appears to be more concerned about world issues than those nearer to home and its profile seems to be closer to that of the Greens in European Parliament. Supporters have accused Más País! of sending out 'confusing messages' to its voting public.
The proof will be in the pudding, however, if enough voters trust this new party with their precious ballots – how they operate in practice will become clear once a government is eventually formed.
Más País! voters are described as similar in nature to those who would back Unidos Podemos – typically young in age and outlook, metropolitan, highly-qualified, and cosmopolitan - but somewhat more moderate and less ideological.
Of course, the demographic profiles compiled are founded on the most-repeated characteristics of a given voter, and are not set in stone. Plenty of first-timers and young climate change activists in the north will be casting their ballots for the PSOE and the PP in the south; plenty of 'Gen X' men are totally against Vox's ideologies; lots of rural dwellers will vote for Ciudadanos and many women aged 58 will give Más País! a crack. But the 'average voter' information research presents gives an idea as to what each party stands for and whom its views appeal to, allowing the 'armchair voter' – the expat without a ballot – to work out whom to cheer on today.
Related Topics
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